Abortion/Pro-Life
Abortionists Finally Admit
the Truth--They Fear Democracy
by Dr. R. Albert Mohler Jr.
October 12, 2004
The
judicial imposition of the Culture of Death will forever remain
one of the great tragedies of American history. Abortion on demand
was not made legal in this nation by an act of the people through
their elected representatives, nor was it forced by a referendum
or popular vote. To the contrary, abortion was legalized in all
fifty states only when the United States Supreme Court invented
a constitutional right to abortion and imposed its will upon the
people of the United States. This arrogant act, rightly defined
as the judicial usurpation of the democratic process, is not only
foreign to the intention of our Constitutional founders, it is also
subversive of the very idea of democracy itself. Now, in a shocking
development, the abortion rights movement has published an absolute
admission of its anti-democratic ideology. "What If Roe Fell?"
is a major report just released by the Center for Reproductive Rights.
The report features a state-by-state analysis of how state governments
would respond to an overturn of Roe v. Wade. The report offers a
fascinating look into the world of state legislation, and an even
more fascinating look into the mentality of the Culture of Death.
Formerly known as the Center for Reproductive Law
and Policy, the Center for Reproductive Rights claims to be "the
leading legal advocacy organization dedicated to promoting and defending
women's reproductive rights worldwide." The Center begins its
report with this ominous warning: "There is perhaps no political
issue more volatile in the United States than abortion, no Supreme
Court ruling subject to such a well-organized and well-funded attack
as Roe v. Wade. Since it was decided in 1973, Roe has been under
constant attack. Since 1995 alone, state legislatures have enacted
380 measures restricting abortion, and in November 2003, Congress
passed the first-ever federal ban on abortion procedures. Anti-choice
forces are counting on new appointments to the Supreme Court in
the next few years to totally overturn Roe." Having established
that scenario, the Center then moved to consider how each state
would respond to Roe's overturn.
Of course, a Supreme Court decision overturning
Roe v. Wade would not in itself bring abortion to an end in all
states. As the report indicates, "a reversal of Roe would remove
federal constitutional protection for a woman's right to choose
and give the states the power to set abortion policy." State-imposed
limitations could run the gamut from mild measures dealing only
with procedural matters to outright bans on abortion under most
circumstances. The Center also warns that Congress might also move
to ban abortions if Roe is overturned.
More likely, the Center suggests that the overturning
of Roe "would result in a patchwork of rights in which women
seeking abortions would be strongly protected in some states and
completely denied the right in others, with different levels of
protection in between."
Nancy Northup, the Center's president, told the
Associated Press, "The building blocks are already in place
to recriminalize abortion."
The report makes for fascinating reading. According
to their analysis, "only 20 states would likely protect women
against the enforcement of abortion bans." These states have
adequate legal protections in place, without reference to Roe v.
Wade. Beyond this, these states are also likely to have legislatures
friendly to abortion rights and resistant to any curtailment of
abortion access.
Of course, this leaves thirty states where, according
to the Center's analysis, abortion rights are likely to be curtailed
or eliminated. Some of these states have pre-Roe abortion bans that
could be revived in the event Roe v. Wade is overturned. Beyond
this, several of these states have legislatures or governors--or
both--that are opposed to abortion and would be expected to act
accordingly in the event the judicially-imposed right to abortion
falls. As Northup stated in a press release released by the Center
for Reproductive Rights, "Anyone who thinks abortion will still
be legal in most states across this country after a Roe reversal
hasn't been paying attention. This is a wake-up call to women and
men who support the right to have an abortion--in a relatively short
period of time, women in more than half the country are in jeopardy
of losing their right to choose."
The Center identifies twenty-one states that are
"high risk" for enacting laws against abortion. These
states include Alabama, Arkansas, Colorado, Delaware, Kentucky,
Louisiana, Michigan, Mississippi, Missouri, Nebraska, North Carolina,
North Dakota, Ohio, Oklahoma, Rhode Island, South Carolina, South
Dakota, Texas, Utah, Virginia, and Wisconsin. At "middle risk"
are the states of Arizona, Georgia, Idaho, Illinois, Indiana, Iowa,
Kansas, New Hampshire, and Pennsylvania. At lower risk, with abortion
rights "likely protected," are Alaska, California, Connecticut,
Florida, Hawaii, Maine, Maryland, Massachusetts, Minnesota, Montana,
Nevada, New Jersey, New Mexico, New York, Oregon, Tennessee, Vermont,
Washington, West Virginia, and Wyoming.
Going beyond a state-by-state analysis, the report
suggests possible scenarios for the curtailment of abortion rights
in various states. "Imagine that your sister is living in Alabama
and has an appointment to obtain a first trimester abortion. Would
she be able to get it? No. State officials could begin immediately
to enforce Alabama's pre-Roe abortion ban that remains on the books
and has never been enjoined by a court. If you live in a state such
as Mississippi, Michigan, or Rhode Island, "where pre-Roe abortion
bans have been blocked since shortly after the Roe decision,"
you are likely to find that state officials will "rush to court
to lift the injunctions and begin enforcing the laws." The
report goes on to suggest that these state officials would probably
succeed in their efforts.
The report also contemplated a post-Roe scenario
in the state of Nebraska. If your daughter lives in Nebraska, and
the legislature is in session, she had better hurry to get an abortion,
the report urges. "Nebraska has no ban on the books, but the
legislature has never met an abortion restriction it didn't like."
Nebraska has already adopted a statute deploring the destruction
of unborn human life in Nebraska, "and is poised to enact a
new ban on abortion if Roe is overturned."
"What If Roe Fell?" offers abortion supporters
a comforting analysis when looking at states like California, which
has enacted both constitutional and statutory protections for abortion.
But the report reflects absolute panic in dealing with states like
Kentucky, Indiana, and Ohio. Ohio, for example, has elected both
a pro-life legislative majority and a pro-life governor. Therefore,
Ohio "is likely to ban abortion if Roe is overturned."
In the press materials released by the Center for
Reproductive Rights, several legislative strategies are targeted
for opposition. These include outright bans on abortion procedures,
such as the Partial Birth Abortion Ban Act of 2003. Other laws intended
to restrict abortion include parental notification laws that would,
according to the Center, "restrict a minor's access to abortion."
Beyond this, some states have adopted legislation requiring mandatory
delays and counseling for women seeking abortions. Other measures,
known as "TRAP laws," seek to impose "targeted regulations
on abortion providers." These laws cover matters ranging from
medical safety statutes to reporting requirements. According to
the Center, "TRAP laws are designed to effectively put the
abortion facility out of business."
The Center for Reproductive Rights spends most of
its time combating these legislative strategies and contesting such
laws in court. This new report is further proof that it is the Roe
v. Wade decision that provides abortion-rights advocates with cover
and protection.
This report is nothing less than an unconditional
admission that abortion rights exist in this country by mere judicial
fiat and not by the will of the people. This conclusion--forced
by the evidence and now formalized in this report--calls into question
the very viability of the American experiment. Over thirty years
after the U.S. Supreme Court handed down the Roe v. Wade decision,
the people of this nation are still not trusted to settle the question
of abortion by democratic means. Why? Because, as this report makes
transparently clear, the American people would--at least in a majority
of states--move to limit a woman's "right" to an abortion.
Hadley Arkes, Edward Ney Professor of American Institutions
at Amherst College, insists that, in the founders' constitutional
vision, "the restraint of judges was bound up in the morality
of a democratic regime."
Without this restraint, judges would be turned into
"legislators in robes," exercising a trumping power. These
robed "legislators" would not be elected to office, and
they would not "have to suffer the torments of running for
reelection."
With this in mind, Professor Arkes, one of America's
leading experts on constitutional law, provides an eloquent warning
of an overly-ambitious and unrestrained judiciary. "This kind
of power, exercised by unelected judges, had been understood from
the beginning as a power that was deeply problematic in a republic,
in a government that rested on the consent of the governed. The
sense of propriety, arising from the character of the regime, was
that judges in a democracy should be obliged then to work under
a distinct discipline that would confine their judgments and the
reach of their power."
Arkes points to the "new jurisprudence"
represented now in our federal courts. This new jurisprudence "reaches
its completion by detaching itself from every premise necessary
to the notion of lawfulness. It rejects the logic of natural rights;
it denies that any of us has rights of intrinsic dignity because
it denies that there is any such intrinsic dignity attaching to
any human being, as the subject and object of the law."
The Center for Reproductive Rights has provided
us with an analysis that damns their own cause and reveals their
own weakness. The only important question left remaining is this:
How long will Americans accept the undemocratic judicial imposition
of abortion on demand?
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