Baptist Polity
The Roots of Baptist Beliefs
By Dr. James Leo Garrett
Distinguished Professor of Theology Emeritus
Southwestern Baptist Theological Seminary
The people called Baptists have often identified their churches
as "New Testament churches" and have frequently insisted
that they are not a creedal people. Consequently one may be prone
to assume that they owe nothing to the creeds, the church councils,
or the theologians of the sixteen centuries prior to the advent
of the Baptist movement. But that assumption needs to be challenged
and tested.
The Councils, the Creeds, and the Fathers
The four earliest ecumenical councils constituted
efforts to resolve theological controversies after the subsidence
of the major persecutions and the advent of favorable treatment
of Christians in the Roman Empire. The Council of Nicaea (325)
rejected the teachings of Arius (c.250-c.336), notably that God
is an unoriginate and non-communicable monad and that Jesus was
a creature having a beginning and being subject to change and
sin, "less than God and more than man." [1] Nicaea responded by affirming
that Jesus as "the Son of God" was "of the substance
of the Father," "begotten, not made," and "of
one substance with the Father." [2] Baptists have repeatedly affirmed
the deity and eternality of Jesus as God's Son and his incarnation,
thus manifesting onlyon rare occasions any tendency to resurrect
Arianism. [3]
Apollinarius of Laodicea (c.310-c.390) refused
to allow for a human mind in Jesus by holding that the Godhead
and Jesus' body were fused into a single reality. [4] The Pneumatomachians, or Macedonians, opposed the full deity
of the Holy Spirit, asserting rather that the Spirit was a creature
or a being between God and creatures.
[5] The Council of Constantinople I (381), building on the
objections by Gregory of Nyssa and Gregory of Nazianzus, [6] rejected Apollinarianism and likewise, together
with other heresies, condemned theteaching of the Pneumatomachians.
[7] Baptists have affirmed the full or complete humanity
of Jesus [8] and the deity of the Holy Spirit. [9]
Nestorius (c. 381-c.451) was credited with
advancing the view – whether he actually did continues to be debated
by today's scholars – that the two natures of Jesus Christ, the
divine and human, were veritably two persons and that these two
persons, being unaltered, were only "conjoined" or loosely
connected. Nestorius rejected the prevailing use of the term theotokos
(God-bearing) for Mary the virgin, arguing that "God
cannot have a mother" and "Mary bore a man, the vehicle
of divinity but not God."
[10] The Council of Ephesus (431) after no little intrigue
rejected Nestorianism and its followers and deposed and excommunicated
Nestorius. [11] Although modern Baptist confessions of faith
have tended not to address this issue specifically, [12] there is no evidence of any Baptist effort
to disavow the union of the two natures in the one person of Jesus
Christ.
Eutyches (c.378-454), taking the word "nature"
to signify "a concrete existence" and denying that Christ's
manhood was of the same substance as our manhood, taught the confusion
of his natures so as to imply one nature. Under interrogation,
Eutyches acknowledged that Christ was "of two natures"
but insisted that this was before the union of the natures and
that after the union there was only one nature.
[13] After being vindicated at the so-called "Robber
Synod" of 448, he was deposed and exiled by the Council of
Chalcedon (451). The confessional statement adopted by Chalcedon
not only rejected Eutychianism but also Arianism, Apollinarianism,
and Nestorianism and explicated the doctrine of two natures in
the one person. [14] It would prove in later centuries to be common ground for
Roman Catholics, Eastern Orthodox, and Protestants. [15] As was noted in respect to Apollinarianism,
Baptists have consistently affirmed the genuine and complete humanity
of Jesus and have in reality concurred in Chalcedon’s definition
even when not explicitly stating such.
Hence for Baptists the affirmations of the
deity of Christ, the complete humanity of Christ, the one person
of Christ, and the two natures of Christ imply some indebtedness
to these early councils, whether or not that indebtedness is formally
acknowledged. Moreover, concurrent with these councils -Nicaea
I through Chalcedon -was the framing of certain widely used Christian
creeds.
That which we call the Apostles' Creed, sometimes
called "R" for Old Roman Symbol, developed during the
second and third centuries, being expressed in various similar
but not identical texts until finally there came to be a single
common text. Framed in order to give instruction at baptism or
to refute heresies or possibly for both reasons, R had a Trinitarian
structure and an extended section on the Son of God.
[16] The Nicene Creed (N), the product of the council in
325, was specifically anti-Arian.
[17] That which is called the Niceno-Constantinopolitan Creed
(C) has a more extended section on the Holy Spirit. It has traditionally
been taken to be the product of the Council of Constantinople
I, but it did not appear in official conciliar records until the
Council of Chalcedon.
[18] The "Athanasian" Creed, actually a formulation
based on the Trinitarian theology of Augustine of Hippo, probably
originated in southern Gaul in the fifth or sixth century. [19]
Baptists in their congregational worship have
not normally included the recitation of any creedal or confessional
statement. It is, however, worthy of note that the Orthodox Creed
of General Baptists (1678) included the texts of the Apostles'
Creed, the Nicene Creed, and the Athanasian Creed and declared
that these "ought throughly [sic] to be received,
and believed," may be proved from the Scriptures, ought to
be understood by all Christians, and should be taught by ministers
and "in all christian [sic] families.”
[20] Also at the first world congress of the Baptist World
Alliance in 1905, its president, Alexander Maclaren, in the midst
of his presidential address asked all those assembled to rise
and to repeat the Apostles' Creed.
[21]
Baptists have consistently affirmed that the
canonical Scriptures are always superior to and more authoritative
than any or all postbiblical tradition. Such a fact does not prevent
or preclude evidence that certain of the church fathers, especially
the Latin fathers, seem to have influenced positively the beliefs
of the later Baptists. Two examples may be noted. Tertullian,
who was the first Latin Christian writer to use the term trinitas,
pioneered in the use of what became technical terms for the Trinity
(one in substance and three persons ) [22] and for the person of Christ (two natures, which he preferred
to speak of as "two substances," [23] in one person). [24] Augustine of Hippo, especially in his controversial writings
against the Pelagians, set forth the doctrines of the universality
of sin and the necessity of divine grace as pardon and power that
would so greatly influence all Western Christians that espousal
of strictly Pelagian views would be far less likely,
[25] and this was true of most Baptists.
Pre-Reformation Sectarian and Reforming
Movements
The modern advocates of Baptist church succession, [26] notably the Landmark Baptists,
have posited and sought to identify a chain of pre-Reformation
reforming and sectarian movements. Often the claims of identity
between such groups and Baptists of the last four centuries have
not matched the historical evidence. But the lack of total identity
does not preclude a kinship in respect to particular teachings
or a common rejection of teachings and practices prevailing in
the dominant ecclesiastical system. Albert Henry Newman, a Baptist
historian writing more than a century ago, could find no common
ground between modern Baptists and such early movements as Montanism,
Novatianism, and Donatism or such later movements as the Paulicians
and the Cathari. But Newman saw in early reformers such as Aerius,
Jovinian, and Vigilantius and in the ancient British church a
nascent anti-ascetic evangelicalism which did not challenge infant
baptism, and he found in the followers of Peter de Bruys and Henry
of Lausanne, the Waldenses, the Taborites, Peter Chelcicky and
the Bohemian Brethren, and the Lollards advocates of anti-sacramentalism,
biblical authority, and primitivism, who stopped short of the
full recovery of believer's baptism.
[27] Baptists have had no interest in kinship with the mystical
heresy of the Free Spirit,
[28] with later mystics such as John Tauler, Henry Suso,
and John Ruysbroeck,
[29] or with late quasi-Evangelicals such as John of Wesel,
Wessel Gansfort, and Cornelius Hoen. [30]
The Magisterial Protestant Reformation
Despite modern denials by certain Baptists
that Baptists are Protestants,
[31] the matrix of the Baptist movement had been powerfully
shaped by the Protestant Reformation, and some have even claimed
that the Baptists are the truly thoroughgoing Reformers. [32]
Martin Luther's doctrines of the supremacy
of the Scriptures over all, especially late, church tradition
and of Christ as the center of the Scriptures, of declarative
justification by God's grace through faith alone, and of the priesthood
of all believers [33] were all affirmed by Baptists, even when no specific acknowledgment
was made to Luther. Likewise, Ulrich Zwingli' s doctrine of the
Lord's Supper as a memorial or symbolic observance [34] proved to be the dominant, though not the
sole, theme in the Baptist teaching about the Supper. Moreover,
John Calvin's doctrine of predestination,
[35] whatever its debt to Augustine of Hippo, Thomas Bradwardine,
John Wycliffe, and John Huss, had an impact on the theology of
many Anglo-American Baptists. Martin Bucer's teaching that discipline
is a mark of the true church,
[36] though perhaps routed through Calvin or through the
Anabaptists, found acceptance among early Baptists. Among the
confessions of faith produced by the magisterial wing of the Reformation
the mid-seventeenth century Westminster Confession of Faith (1647) [37] was by far the most influential on early
Baptist confessions of faith.
[38]
Continental Anabaptism
The sixteenth-century Anabaptists on the continent
of Europe have played a singular role in the interpretation of
Baptist origins. Those advocating different views of origins [39] have treated the Anabaptists differently.
Those who have sought to trace Baptists in succession to John
the Baptist and the Jerusalem church have regarded the Anabaptists
as an essential link in the chain of succession but have usually
done little research or exhibited no scholarly acumen in dealing
with the Anabaptists. Those who have adhered to the "Anabaptist
spiritual kinship" theory have posited on the basis of careful
studies not only of sixteenth-century Anabaptists but also various
pre-Reformation rebaptizing sects as kinspeople to the later Baptists.
Those who hold on the basis of research that Baptists derived
from English Separatist Puritanism usually have viewed Anabaptists
as outside the story of Baptist origins and as not contributing
significantly to Baptist theology. [40]
The classification of various types of sixteenth-century
Anabaptists has been attempted by modern church historians who
have specialized in this field. Their work is important in determining
whether and which Anabaptists may have influenced Baptists. A.
H. Newman posited a fivefold classification of Anabaptists: "the
chiliastic" or millennial, "the soundly biblical,"
“the mystical," "the pantheistic," and "the
anti-trinitarian." [41] George Huntston Williams within the larger
framework of a threefold classification of "the Radical Reformation"
(Anabaptists, Spiritualists, and Evangelical Rationalists) identified
three types of Anabaptists: "revolutionary," "contemplative,"
" and "evangelical." [42] Newman's "chiliastic" Anabaptists
and Williams's "revolutionary" Anabaptists, which included
Melchior Hofmann, and the Munster kingdom, were virtually identical
but did not seemingly shape in a positive way the later Baptists,
except at the point of Hofmann's Christology. [43] Williams's "contemplative"
Anabaptists included Hans Denck and Ludwig Hetzer, as did Newman's
"mystical" Anabaptists, but Williams did not include
Newman's "pantheistic" Anabaptists such as David Ions,
and Williams considered Caspar Schwenkfeld to have been an "evangelical
Spiritualist." None of these can be seen as having significant
influence upon the later Baptists. The same may be said of Newman's
"anti-trinitarian Anabaptists," who may be equated with
Williams's "Evangelical Rationalists," whose only traceable
influence may have been that of Socinianism on the Mennonite-oriented
Rhynsburger community,
[44] from which Particular Baptists seemingly derived the
practice of baptism by immersion. Hence the focus must clearly
rest upon those whom Newman denominated "soundly biblical"
Anabaptists, namely, the Swiss Brethren, the Hutterites, and the
Mennonites
Who, then, were the theological writers among
evangelical Anabaptists who may possibly have influenced even
indirectly the Baptists? An excellent foretaste of Anabaptist
teachings may be seen in George Blaurock's account of his meeting
with two Swiss, Conrad Grebel and Felix Mantz:
They came to one mind in these things, and in
the pure fear of God they recognized that a person must learn
from the divine Word and preaching a true faith which manifests
itself in love, and receive the true Christian baptism on the
basis of the recognized and confessed faith, in the union
with God of a good conscience, (prepared) henceforth to serve
God in a holy Christian life with all godliness, also to be steadfast
to the end in tribulation. [45]
Moreover, when Grebel and his associates wrote
to Thomas Muntzer, a revolutionary Spiritualist and anti-pedobaptist,
they urged him: "Go forward with the Word and establish a
Christian church with the help of Christ and his rule, as we find
it instituted in Matt. 18:15-18 and applied in the Epistles."
[46] Reflective of the ecclesiological concerns of the early
Swiss Anabaptists were the Schleitheim Articles (1527), probably
the work of Michael Sattler, with their sevenfold emphasis: believer's
baptism, excommunication, the Lord's Supper, separation from the
world, the office of pastor, non-use of the sword, and non-taking
of oaths. [47]
Balthasar Hubmaier wrote his 36-article "On
Heretics and Those Who Burn Them," "the first text of
the Reformation directed specifically to the topic of the liberty
of dissent," [48] four major treatises on baptism, [49] a treatise on excommunication, [50] and "On the Sword," [51] which was directed against his more pacifist
fellow Anabaptists. It is not a question as to whether early English
Baptists read the German-language writings by Hubmaier; rather
it is whether his concepts of religious freedom, baptism, church
discipline, and the rightful use of the sword [52] may have so crossed the English Channel as
to make their advocacy by English Baptists something less than
an innovation.
Pilgram Malpeck's two major writings contain
a recurrent emphasis on the differences between the Old Testament
and the New Testament and a rather complete treatment of baptism
as "witness" (Zeugnis) rather than as "symbol"
(Zeichen). [53]
Among the numerous writings by Menno Simons
were his Foundation of Christian Doctrine,
[54] with its threefold "call to discipleship,"
refutation of Roman Catholicism, " and "appeals for
toleration, his Christian Baptism, [55] three treatises on church discipline, [56] and three writings expressive
of his peculiar view of the incarnation.
[57] The argument has been made that the First London Confession
of Particular Baptists (1644) was indebted to Menno's Foundation
of Christian Doctrine. [58] Whatever influence his writings on church
discipline may have had on early English Baptists such as John
Smyth, any such influence stopped short of Baptist acceptance
of "shunning," or the social ostracism of those excommunicated,
including that of husband and wife.
[59] Furthermore, Menno's views of the incarnation, namely,
that, since women supposedly produce no seed, the Word became
a human being in Mary, but not of or from Mary, [60] being akin to the teaching of Melchior Hofmann [61] as to the celestial flesh of Jesus, posed
a problem for the early English General Baptists but did not gain
acceptance by them.
[62] Dietrich (or Dirk) Philips in his Enchiridion
identified seven "ordinances" of the true church
[63] and its twelve "notes," [64] the latter drawn from the New Testament Apocalypse.
The early English Baptists would also identify and characterize
the church as distinct from the eschatological kingdom of God.
Baptists have not accepted the teaching about the community of
goods set forth by the Hutterite theologian, Peter Rideman,
[65] but some of his ecclesiological images [66] were employed by later Baptists.
What specific Anabaptist teachings, therefore,
can be identified as possibly influencing, even indirectly, the
English Baptists? In answering this question, we will utilize
two Mennonite confessions of faith, the Waterland Confession (1580)
and the Dordrecht Confession {1632). [67] First, there is believer's baptism as constitutive
of a gathered or truly ordered church. The Schleitheim Articles [68] and the Waterland Confession [69] specified believer's baptism, and the Dordrecht
Confession [70] related it to incorporation
into the church. An early Helwys confession
[71] was explicit both about believer's baptism and the constituting
of churches, whereas other General and Particular Baptist confessions
[72] only affirmed believer's baptism. A possible negation
of such Mennonite influence comes from Irwin B. Horst's argument
that so-called Anabaptists in pre-Elizabethan England did not
practice believer's baptism. [73] But the Separatists retained
pedobaptism, and John Smyth's congregation was in Amsterdam. For
William R. Estep, Jr., there was "little doubt that Mennonite
influence played a role in Smyth's rethinking of the biblical
teachings on baptism and the church." [74]
Second, there is church discipline as necessary
to the life of the true church, especial1y on the basis of Matt.
18:15-17. Anabaptist confessions
[75] clearly specified admonition and excommunication, or
the ban, and the same was true of early English General and Particular
Baptist confessions. [76]
Third, there is the elevation of the New Testament
in authority over the Old Testament, especially in matters of
ecclesiology. Marpeck had elevated the New Testament while retaining
the canonicity and inspiration of the Old Testament.
[77] Although this elevation of the New Testament is not
specifically stated in the earliest Baptist confessions of faith,
John Smyth's Principles and Inferences concerning the Visible
Church (1607)
[78] exhibits the much greater reliance on the New Testament.
[79]
Fourth, there is the advocacy of religious
freedom for all human beings and the absence of persecution. Although
the claim that Hubmaier advocated such freedom has been challenged, [80] the advocacy by Menno Simons [81] is rather clear. Likewise,
Smyth, [82] Helwys,
[83] Mark Leonard Busher, [84] and John Murton [85] were advocates.
Finally, the fact needs to be noted that certain
Mennonite teachings and practices, identifiably four, were specifically
rejected by the early English Baptists. First, Baptists [86] rejected the Anabaptist teaching [87] that Christians ought not to serve as civil
magistrates for they must use the sword, although John Smyth was
an exception. [88] Second, Baptists [89] rejected the Anabaptist teaching [90] that Christians ought not to be soldiers
but rather be nonresistant. Third, Baptists, [91] with the exception of John Smyth, [92] rejected the Anabaptist teaching [93] that Christians ought not to take civil oaths.
Fourth, Baptists rejected, as noted previously, [94] the Mennonite practice [95] of shunning those who have been excommunicated.
English Separatist Puritans
Separatists we understand to have been those
English Puritans who, not being willing to continue to await thoroughgoing
reforms in the Church of England, separated therefrom by constituting
congregations or conventicles on the basis of a church covenant
and congregationa1 polity. B. R. White has insisted that their
goal was not so much reformation of the existing church as restitution
of New Testament Christianity.
[96]
Certain precursors to the Separatists have
been identified, although the extent to which the Separatists
acknowledged them as their forerunners is disputed. Sectarian
"Freewillers" [97] in Kent and Essex during the reign of Edward
VI (1547-1553) were cited by Champlin Burrage, [98] but White [99] discounted them as forerunners. The Strangers'
Church, composed of foreigners, established by John a Lasco, expelled
under Mary, and reconstituted under Elizabeth I, according to
Timothy George, "with their own liturgy and discipline, was
itself a source of envy on the part of some who found the pace
of reformation in the established Church intolerably slow." [100] Secret conventicles, especially one in
the London area, during Mary's reign (1553-1558), which seem to
have been distinct from the earlier Freewillers,
[101] "were sustained by the ministry of itinerant preachers"
and practiced excommunication.
[102] During the early Elizabethan era there were congregations
that were distinct from the Church of England as to worship and
met in private homes, but they left no evidence of any teaching
or practice of a covenanted or gathered church. [103] From one of these, the Plumbers' Hall Church
in London, Puritan rather than Separatist, [104] which claimed a biblical warrant for church
reform and practiced church discipline, [105] some members departed and united with the
Privy Church. [106]
The latter, led by Richard Fitz, was clearly Separatist vis-à-vis
the Church of England, [107] indeed “the first-known congregation in England which had
a covenant." "To obey this covenant each member separately
pledged himself and then took communion as a ratification of his
consent.” [108]
Major writings by Separatist authors gave expression
to Separatist principles.
[109] Robert Harrison (?-1585?) in A Treatise of the Church
and the Kingdome of Christ (c.1580) equated the church and
the kingdom, enjoined the observance of Matt. 18:15-17, and defended
a separated and gathered church. [110] Robert Browne's (1550?-1633)
A Treatise of Reformation without Tarying for Anie
(1582) endorsed the civil duties of the magistrates but denied
them the power to reform the church, conceived of the risen Christ
as ruling covenanted congregations, and called on Puritans not
to "tarry" for magisterial reform. [111] Henry Barrow (1550?-1593) in Four Causes
of Separation (1587) identified the false manner of worshiping
the true God, the ungodly members retained in churches, the anti-Christian
ministry imposed on the churches, and the anti-Christian polity
of churches. [112]
Barrow and John Greenwood (?-1593) in The True Church
and the False Church (1588) extended the list of marks of
the false church to eleven, [113] and Barrow in A True Description out
of the Worde of God, of the Visible Church (1589) prescribed
a fivefold ministry (pastor, doctor, elders, deacons, widows).
[114] Barrow's anti-Anglican polemic reached its full expression
in A Brief Discoverie of the False Church (1590). [115] Henry Ainsworth (1571-1622?)
answered the Oxford doctors in An Apologie or Defence of Such
True Christians as One Commonly (but Unjustly) Called Brownists
(1604), [116]
whereas Francis Johnson (1562-1618) in Certayne Reasons and
Arguments Proving That It Is Not Lawfull to Heare or Have Any
Spiritual Communion with the Present Ministerie of the Church
of England ( 1608) [117] set forth seven reasons.
The Separatist congregation in London of which
Francis Johnson was pastor, but which was exiled in Amsterdam
without Johnson and which then chose Henry Ainsworth as pastor,
framed in 1596 a confession of faith entitled A True Confession.
It expressed Calvinistic doctrine and congregational polity and
would be used ''as a model" by Particular Baptist churches
in London when they framed their 1644 Confession.
[118] Among its major doctrines were divine foreordination
to salvation and to condemnation, the fall of Adam and its consequences,
Christ's offices as mediator, prophet, priest, and king, the royal
priesthood of the people of God, the identification of the church
with Christ's spiritual kingdom, the fivefold ministry, congregational
polity, and the duty of civil magistrates to suppress false religions
and established the true religion. [119]
What specific Separatist doctrines may have
positively influenced the early English Baptists? First, there
is humanity's Adamic disability. The First London Confession of
Particular Baptists [120] employed language almost identical to that
of A True Confession, [121] and the Second London Confession, [122] being a revision of the
Westminster Confession of Faith, was even more specific as to
humanity's being "in" Adam and Eve when they fell. Second,
we take note of the Bible as the rule of faith and practice. A
True Confession described the Bible as "the rule of this
knowledge, faith and obedience,"
[123] and the Second London Confession, modifying the Westminster'
s language, declared "The Holy Scripture is the only sufficient,
certain, and infallible rule of all saving Knowledge, Faith, and
Obedience." [124] Third, the royal priesthood of all Christians
seems to have come to the Baptists from Separatism. Whereas both
Anabaptist [125]
and Separatist [126] documents referred to the offices of Christ
as prophet, priest, and king, only A True Confession
[127] specifically and in detail taught the universal Christian
priesthood. Fourth, there is congregational polity, about which
the Separatists were very explicit. A True Confession
[128] explains the congregation's duties respecting its ministers,
excommunication and its careful use, and mutual counsel and help
among congregations. A Helwys confession taught that no congregation
should assert any "prerogative" over another,
[129] the First London Confession spelled out the authority
of each congregation to choose its officers, [130] and the Second London Confession taught
that congregations have authority over their worship and discipline
and for choosing and ordaining both bishops or elders and deacons. [131]
But there were some Separatist teachings which
were rejected or at least not accepted by early English Baptists.
First, there is double predestination, which was clearly taught
in A True Confession,
[132] whereas the First London Confession [133] referred only to election
to salvation and vengeance toward, not foreordination of, the
non-elect. According to the Second London Confession [134] the non-elect are "left to act in
their sin to their just condemnation" in what some call the
doctrine of preterition (passing over). Moreover, the Westminster
Confession's references to foreordination "to everlasting
death" and ordination to wrath were deleted. [135] The Orthodox Creed of General
Baptists, building upon the Westminster, relocated and rewrote
the doctrine of divine decrees so as to treat them as conditional. [136] Second, the doctrine of double reconciliation was not retained.
According to A True Confession,
[137] not only are elect human being reconciled to God through
the death of Jesus Christ but also God is reconciled to elect
humans through the cross. But the First London Confession
[138] referred only to Christ's reconciliation of the elect,
and the Second London
[139] likewise affirmed single reconciliation. Third,
some functions of civil magistrates taught by Separatists were
rejected by Baptists. As previously noted, according to A True
Confession [140]
magistrates have the power and function of suppressing false
religions and establishing the true religion. On the other hand,
the First London Confession [141] acknowledged subjection to king and parliament
as to civil laws but declared that conscientious objection to
some ecclesiastical laws may be necessary. The framers of the
Second London Confession [142] deleted the Westminster
doctrine of the suppression of false religions and emphasized
generally obedience to and prayer for magistrates. Fourth, whereas
A True Confession
[143] never questioned or deviated from pedobaptism, the
earliest Baptist confessions of faith [144] clearly taught believer's baptism.
In summary, Baptists have adhered to the Trinitarian
and Christological doctrines formulated by the first four ecumenical
councils and expressed in the earliest Christian creeds. They
have shared with medieval sectarian and reforming groups anti-ascetical,
anti-sacramental, and primitivist intentions. They seem to have
been indebted to various magisterial Reformers: Luther for the
supremacy of the Scriptures over tradition, for justification
by grace through faith, and the priesthood of all Christians;
Zwingli for a memorialist understanding of the Lord's Supper;
Bucer for church discipline as essential to the true church, and
Calvin for predestination as a major doctrine. Continental Anabaptist
influence can most clearly be seen in believer's baptism as constitutive
of a truly ordered church, church discipline as necessary, the
New Testament as superior to the Old Testament, and religious
freedom for all humans. English Separatist influence can be most
accurately identified in terms of humanity's Adamic disability,
the Bible as the rule of faith and practice, the priesthood of
all Christians, and congregational polity .
[1] J. N. D. Kelly, Early Christian
Doctrines (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1958),226- 31; Jaroslav
Pelikan, The Emergence of the Catholic Tradition (100-600),
vol. I, The Christian Tradition: A History of the Development
of Doctrine (Chicago: University of Chicago, 1971), 193-200.
[2] "The Nicene Creed," in NPNF, 2d series,
14:3.
[3] Deviations, as in the case of
the early eighteenth-century General Baptists, were recognized
as heresy by other Baptists.
[4] Kelly, Early Christian Doctrines,
289-95.
[7] Canons of Constantinople I, 1, 7, in NPNF, 2d
series, 14:172, 185.
[8] "Short Confession of Faith in 20
Articles by John Smyth," art. 6; "A Declaration of Faith
of English People Remaining at Amsterdam in Holland,” art. 8;
Somerset Confession, art. 13; Second London Confession of Particular
Baptists, art. 8, sect. 2; Orthodox Creed of General Baptists,
arts. 6, 7; "Treatise and the Faith and Practices of the
Free Will Baptists," art. 5, sect. 2, in William L. Lumpkin,
Baptist Confessions of Faith (Philadelphia: Judson, 1959),
100, 119,206, 260-61, 300-301,371; Southern Baptist Convention
Statement of Baptist Faith and Message (1963), art. 2, sec. 2,
in Lumpkin, Baptist Confessions of Faith, rev. ed. (Valley
Forge, PA: Judson Press, 1969), 394.
[9] "A Short Confession of Faith"
(1610), arts. 2-3; First London Confession of Particular Baptists,
art. 2; Orthodox Creed of General Baptists, art. 8; "Principles
of Faith of the Sandy Creek Association, " art. 1; "Treatise
and the Faith and Practices of the Free Will Baptists," art.
7; "Articles of Faith Put Forth by the Baptist Bible Union
of America," art. 3, in ibid., 103,156-57, 301,358, 372-73,385;
Southern Baptist Convention Statement of Baptist Faith and Message
(1963)" art. 2, sect. 3, in ibid., rev. ed., 394.
[10] Kelly, Early Christian Doctrines,
310-17. See also J. F. Bethune-Baker, Nestorius and His
Teaching: A Fresh Examination of the Evidence (Cambridge:
Cambridge University, 1908; rpt. ed.: New York: Kraus, 1969);
Friedrich Loofs, Nestorius and His Place in the History of
Christian Doctrine (Cambridge: Cambridge University,
1914; rpt. ed.: New York: Burt Franklin, 1975).
[11] "The Twelve Anathematisms
of St. Cyril against Nestorius," and "Decree of the
Council against Nestorius" in NPNF, 2d series, 14:206-19.
[12] "A Short Confession of
Faith" (1610); art. 8; "A Declaration of Faith of English
People Remaining at Amsterdam in Holland," art. 8; Second
London Confession, art. 8, sect. 2; Orthodox Creed of General
Baptists, arts. 6, 7, in Lumpkin, Baptist Confessions of Faith,
104-5, 119, 260-61, 300-301.
[13]
Kelly, Early Christian
Doctrines, 330-34.
[14] "The Definition of Faith
of the Council of Chalcedon," in NPNF, 2d series,
14:262-65. See also R. V. Sellers, The Council of Chalcedon:
A Historical and Doctrinal Survey (London: S. P. C. K., 1953).
[15] See the author' s "A
Reappraisal of Chalcedon," Review and Expositor 71
(Winter 1974): 31-42, esp. 42.
[16] J. N. D. Kelly, Early Christian
Creeds, 2d ed. (New York: David McKay, 1960), 100-166.
[19]
J. N. D. Kelly, The Athanasian
Creed (New York: Harper and Row, 1964).
[20]
Art. 38, in Lumpkin, Baptist
Confessions of Faith, 326-27.
[21] The Baptist World Congress.
London. July 11-19, 1905:Authorised Record of Proceedings
(London: Baptist Union Publication Department, 1905), 20. For
a probing treatment of the dependence of Baptist confessions of
faith upon patristic theology and possibly more future "interaction"
with the patristic tradition, see Steven R. Harmon, "Baptist
Confessions of Faith and the Patristic Tradition, "Perspectives
in Religious Studies 29 (Winter 2002): 349-58.
[22]
Unius substantiae; tres
dirigens (Against Praxeas, 2:4).
[23]
Utramque substantiam (On
the Flesh of Christ,
18:6).
[24]
In uno plane (Against Praxeas,
27:14).
[25] Here we do not consider either Semi-Pelagianism
or those aspects of Augustine's theology that pertain to predestination
and irresistible grace.
[26] This is the theory that there existed
from the apostolic era to the seventeenth century in unbroken
fashion churches which in teaching and practice, although not
in name, were conformable to Baptists. See, for example, George
Herbert Orchard, A Concise History of Baptists from
the Time of Christ Their Founder to the 18th Century (rpt.
ed.: Lexington, KY: Ashland Avenue Baptist Church, 1956; first
publ. in London in 1838 under title, A Concise History
of Foreign Baptists; also Nashville: Graves and Marks, 1855;
under title, A History of the Baptists in England, Nashville:
Southwestern Publishing, 1859); David Burcham Ray, Baptist Succession:
A Handbook of Baptist History (Cincinnati: G. E. Stevens, 1870)
(St. Louis: St. Louis Baptist Publishing, 1880) (rev. ed.: Parsons,
KS: Foley, 1912) (Rosemead, CA: King's Press, 1949); Willis Anselm
Jarrel, Baptist Church Perpetuity, or, The Continuous
Existence of Baptist Churches from the Apostolic to the
Present Day Demonstrated by the Bible and by History
(Dallas: author, 1894) (3d ed.: Fulton, KY: Baptist Gleaner, 1900);
James Milton Carroll, The Trail of Blood (Lexington, KY:
American Baptist Publishing, 1931; Lexington, KY: Ashland Avenue
Baptist Church, 1979).
[27] Newman, A History of Anti-Pedobaptism
from the Rise of Pedobaptism to A.D. 1609 (Philadelphia: American
Baptist Publication Society, 1897). 15-61.
[28] Gordon Leff, Heresy in
the Later Middle Ages: The Relation of Heterodoxy to Dissent,
c.1250-c.1450, 2 vols. (Manchester: Manchester University;
New York: Barnes and Noble, 1967), 1:308-407.
[29] Late Medieval Mysticism,
ed. Ray C. Petry, vol. 13, The Library of Christian Classics (Philadelphia:
Westminster, 1957), 245-62, 285-320.
[30] A. H. Newman, A Manual
of Church History, 2 vols., rev. ed. (Philadelphia: American
Baptist Publication Society, 1933), 1:620-21; Heiko Augustinus
Oberman, Forerunners of the Reformation: The Shape of
Late Medieval Thought (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston,
1966), 63-65, 252-53.
[31] William Owen Carver, "Are
Baptists Protestants?" The Chronicle 14 (July 1951):
116- 20. Carver was refuting those who had given a negative answer
largely on the basis of Baptist church successionism. According
to Carver, "Anabaptists and Baptists have not improperly
been described as 'Protestants of the Protestants"' (117).
[32] John Quincy Adams, Baptists
the Only Thorough Religious Reformers, rev. ed. (New York:
Sheldon, 1876).
[33] Paul Althaus, The Theology
of Martin Luther, trans. Robert C. Schultz (Philadelphia:
Fortress, 1966), 72-102, 224-50, 313-18; A Skevington Wood, Captive
to the Word: Martin Luther; Doctor of Sacred Scripture
(Exeter, U.K.: Paternoster, 1969), 119-28; E. F. Klug, From
Luther to Chemnitz: On Scripture and the Word (Grand
Rapids: Eerdmans, 1971), 51-75.
[34] W. Peter Stevens, Zwingli:
An Introduction to His Thought (Oxford: Oxford University
Press, 1992), 94-110, esp. 98-99.
[35] Francois Wendel, Calvin:
The Origins and Development of His Religious Thought, trans.
Philip Mairet (New York: Harper and Row, 1963), 263-84.
[36] Martin Bucer, Common Places,
trans. and ed. D. F. Wright, vol. 4, The Courtenay
Library of Reformation Classics (Appleford, Berkshire,
U.K.: Sutton Courtenay, 1972), "Introduction" by Wright,
31.
[37] For the text, see Philip Schaff,
The Creeds of Christendom, 3 vols. (New York: Harper and
Brothers, 1877), 3:598-704.
[38] Especially the Second London
Confession of Particular Baptists and the Orthodox Creed of General
Baptists, in Lumpkin, Baptist Confessions of Faith, 241-95,
297-334.
[39] Here we follow the threefold
classification of Robert G. Torbet, A History of the Baptists
(Philadelphia: Judson, 1950), 59-62. In mid-twentieth century
and after the issue of Baptist origins was intensely debated by
Baptist scholars. Those advocating Anabaptist Influence on English
Baptists in terms of teachings, if not an organizational nexus,
included Ernest Alexander Payne, The Free Church Tradition
in the Life of England (London: SCM, 1944), 25, 27 -28; idem,
The Baptist Movement in the Reformation and Onwards (London: Kingsgate,
1947), 20; idem, The Anabaptists of the 16th Century
and Their Influence in the Modern World (London: Carey Kingsgate,
1949); idem, "Who Were the Baptists? ," Baptist Quarterly
16 (October 1956): 339-42; Alfred Clair Underwood, A History
of the English Baptists (London: Carey Kingsgate, 1947),21-27,35-55;
James D. Mosteller, "Baptists and Anabaptists," The
Chronicle 20 (January 1957): 3-27; ibid. (July 1957):
100-114; WIl1iamR. Estep, Jr., "A Baptist Reappraisal of
Sixteenth Century Anabaptists," Review and Expositor 55 (January
1958): 55-58; idem, The Anabaptist Story (Nashville: Broadman,
1963),200-222; and Glen H. Stassen, "Anabaptist Influence
in the Origin of the Particular Baptists," Mennonite Quarterly
Review 36 (October 1962): 322-48. Those advocating the English
Separatist origin of English Baptists with little or no influence
from continental Anabaptism included Winthrop Still Hudson, "Baptists
Were Not Anabaptists," The Chronicle 16 (October 1953):
171-79; idem, "Who Were the Baptists?," Baptist Quarterly
16 (July 1956): 303-12; ibid., 17 (April 1957): 53-55; Norman
H. Maring, "Notes from Religious Journals, "Foundations
I (July 1958): 91-95; Lonnie D. Kliever, "General Baptist
Origins: The Question of Anabaptist Influence, "Mennonite
Quarterly Review 36 (October 1962): 291-321; Barrington R.
White, The English Separatist Tradition: From the Marian
Martyrs to the Pilgrim Fathers (London: Oxford University,
1971), 161-64; idem, The English Baptists of the Seventeenth
Century , vol. 1, A History of the English Baptists (London:
Baptist Historical Society, 1983),21-23; and H. Leon McBeth, The
Baptist Heritage (Nashville: Broadman, 1987), 49-63.
[40] For a detailed account of
the historiography of Anabaptist-Baptist relations, see Goki Saito,
"An Investigation into the Relationships between the Early
English Baptists and the Dutch Anabaptists" (Th.D. diss.,
Southern Baptist Theological Seminary, 1974), 11-58.
[41]
A Manual of Church History,
2: 156-200.
[42] "Introduction" to
"Part One," in Spiritual and Anabaptist Writers,
ed. George Huntston Williams and Angel M. Mergal, vol. 25, The
Library of Christian Classics (Philadelphia: Westminster, 1957),
28-31. Williams also set forth a threefold classification of Spiritualists:
"revolutionary," "rational," and "evangelical"
(ibid., 32-35).
[43] Williams, The Radical Reformation
(Philadelphia: Westminster, 1962),328-32; William R. Estep, The
Anabaptist Story: An Introduction to Sixteenth-Century Anabaptism,
3d ed. (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1996), 290-91.
[44]
On the Rhynsburgers, see Newman,
A History of Anti-Pedobaptism, 321-22, 387.
[45]
Excerpted from the Hutterite
Chronicle, in Spiritual and Anabaptist Writers,
43.
[46]
Grebel et al., "Letters
to Thomas Muntzer," in Spiritual and Anabaptist Writers,
79.
[47] For the text, see Lumpkin,
Baptist Confessions of Faith, 23-31, and The Legacy
of Michael Sattler, trans. and ed. John Howard Yoder,
vol. 1, Classics of the Radical Reformation (Scottsdale, PA: Herald,
1973), 34-43.
[48] H. Wayne Pipkin and John Howard
Yoder, Introduction to "On Heretics and Those Who Burn Them,"
in Balthasar Hubmaier: Theologian of Anabaptism, trans.
and ed. Pipkin and Yoder, vol. 5, Classics of the Radical Reformation
(Scottdale, PA., and Kitchener, ON: Herald, 1989), 58. H. C. Vedder,
Balthasar Hubmaier: The Leader of the Anabaptists (New
York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1905), 84, and William R. Estep, Revolution
within the Revolution: The First Amendment in Historical Context,
1612-1789 (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1990),30, esp. fn. 11, have
held that Hubmaier was espousing full religious freedom for all
humankind, whereas Torsten Bergsten, Balthasar Hubmaier: Anabaptist
Theologian, trans. Irwin J. Barnes and William R. Estep and
ed. William R. Estep (Valley Forge, PA: Judson, 1978), 131-32,
held that Hubmaier was calling only for religious freedom for
the Anabaptists in Waldshut.
[49] "On the Christian Baptism
of Believers," "Dialogue with Zwingli's Baptism Book,"
"Old and New Teachers on Believer's Baptism," and "On
Infant Baptism against Oecolampad," in Balthasar Hubmaier:
Theologian of Anabaptism, 95-149, 170-233, 246-74, 276-95.
[50]
"On the Christian Ban,"
in ibid., 410-25.
[51] In ibid., 494-523. This treatise
helps to explain why for modern Mennonites Hubmaier is not such
a hero, whereas for Baptists he is. Baptists have followed Hubmaier
in holding that a Christian can be a civil magistrate and there
in make proper use of the sword.
[52] See Bergsten, Balthasar Hubmaier:
Anabaptist Theologian and Martyr, 382-98, esp. 385, 387, 397-98.
[53] "Confession of 1532"
and "The Admonition of 1542," in The Writings of
Pilgram Marpeck, trans. and ed. W1lliam Klassen and
Walter Klaassen, vol. 2, Classics of the Radical Reformation (Scottdale,
PA, and Kitchener, ON: Herald, 1978), 108-57, 160-302; Klassen
and Klaassen, Introduction to "Confession of 1532, "
107.
[54] In The Complete Writings
of Menno Simons, c. 1496-1561, trans. Leonard Verduin and
ed. John Christian Wenger (Scottdale, PA: Herald, 1956), 103-226.
[56] "A Kind Admonition on
Church Discipline," "A Clear Account of Excommunication,"
and "Instruction on Excommunication," in ibid., 407-18,
455-85, 959-98.
[57] "Brief and Clear Confession,"
"The Incarnation of Our Lord," and "Reply to Martin
Micron," in ibid., 419-54, 783-834, 835-913.
[58] Stassen, "Anabaptist
Influence in the Origin of the Particular Baptists," 322-48,
esp. 347.
[59] "Short Confession of
Faith in 20 Articles by John Smyth" (1609), art. 18; "A
Short Confession of Faith" (1610), art. 34; "A Declaration
of Faith of English People Remaining at Amsterdame in Holland"
( 1611 ), art. 18, in Lumpkin, Baptist Confessions of Faith,
101 , 111, 121. The only confession favorable to shunning seems
to have been "Propositions and Conclusions concerning True
Christian Religion" (1612-14), art. 80, in Lumpkin, Baptist
Confessions of Faith, 139.
[60] J. C. Wenger, "Introduction"
to "Brief and Clear Confession," in The Complete
Writings of Menno Simons, 420.
[61] See Williams, The Radical
Reformation, 325-32. As to Menno's slight alteration of Hofmann's
doctrine, see ibid., 395-96, 503.
[62] Thomas Helwys opposed all
forms of denial that Jesus took his human body from Mary in his
An Advertisement or Admonition unto the Congregations, which
Men Call the New Fryelers and "accused John
Smyth of accepting the Christology of the Mennonites." James
Robert Coggins, John Smyth's Congregation: English Separatism,
Mennonite Influence and the Elect Nation, vol. 32,
Studies in Anabaptist and Mennonite History (Scottdale, PA, Waterloo,
ON: Herald, 1991), 123-26. "A Declaration of Faith of English
People Remaining at Amsterdam in Holland," art. 8, in Lumpkin,
Baptist Confessions of Faith, 119.
[63] Pure doctrine, two sacraments,
footwashing, evangelical separation, command of disciples to love
one another, keeping of Christ's commandments, and endurance of
persecution: "The Church of God," in Spiritual and Anabaptist
Writers, 240-55.
[64] The Holy City, the New Jerusalem,
its having come down from heaven, a bride, the glory of God, high
walls, twelve gates, without temple yet purified by tribulation,
the gates being open, stream of living water and trees of life,
inclusion of Gentiles and exclusion of the wicked, and servants
seeing, serving, and reigning with the Lord, in ibid., 255-60.
[65] Account of Our Religion,
Doctrine and Faith, trans. Kathleen E. Hasenberg (London:
Hodder and Stoughton, 1950), 88-91.
[66] Especially holy people, bride,
body, assembly of the true children of God, gathering by the Holy
Spirit, light of the world, and community of saints. Ibid., 38-44,
114.
[67]
For the texts, see Lumpkin,
Baptist Confessions of Faith, 44-66, 67-78.
[68]
Art. 1, in ibid., 25.
[69]
Art. 31, in ibid., 60.
[70] Art. 7, in ibid., 71.
[71] "A Declaration of Faith
of English People Remaining at Amsterdam in Holland," arts.
13, 14, in ibid., 120.
[72] "Propositions and Conclusions
concerning True Christian Religion," art. 70; First London
Confession of Particular Baptists, art. 39; Second London Confession
of Particular Baptists, art. 29, sect. 2, in Lumpkin, Baptist
Confessions of Faith, 137, 167, 291.
[73] The Radical Brethren: Anabaptism
and the English Reformation to 1558, vol. 2, Bibliotheca Humanistica
and Reformatorica (Nieuwkoop: B. de Graaf, 1972), 178.
[74] Revolution within the Revolution,
45. See also Estep, "On the Origins of English Baptists,"
Baptist History and Heritage 22 (Apri11987): 19-26.
[75] Schleitheirn Articles, art.
2; Waterland Confession, art. 35, in Lumpkin, Baptist Confessions
of Faith, 25, 62.
[76] "Short Confession of
Faith in 20 Articles by John Smyth," art. 17; "A Short
Confession of Faith" (1610), arts. 33,34; "A Declaration
of Faith of English People Remaining at Amsterdam in Holland,"
art. 17; First London Confession of Particular Baptists, arts.
42, 43, in ibid., 101, 110-11, 121, 168.
[77] William Klassen, Covenant
and Community : The Life, Writings al1d Hermeneutics of Pilgram
Marpeck (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1968), 105, 124-30; Estep,
The Anabaptist Story: An Introduction to Sixteenth-Century
Anabaptism, 3d ed., 193-95.
[78] In The Works of John Smyth,
Fellow of Christ's College, 1594-8, tercententary ed., ed.
W. T. Whitley, 2 vols. (Cambridge: Cambridge University, 1915),
1:249-68. Estep, Revolution within the Revolution, 41.
[79] For a modern Baptist exposition
of the supremacy of the New Testament, see Henry Cook, What
Baptists Stand for (London: Kingsgate, 1947), 13-24.
[81] "Foundation of Christian
Doctrine," part 3; "A Pathetic Supplication to All Magistrates";
"Brief Defense to All Theologians"; "The Cross
of the Saints," in The Complete Writings of Menno Simons,
190-226, 525-31, 535-40, 581-622.
[82] "Propositions and Conclusions
concerning True Christian Religion," art. 84, in Lumpkin,
Baptist Confessions of Faith, 140.
[83] Helwys, A Short Declaration
of the Mistery [sic] of Iniquity (1612), (replica ed.: London:
Kingsgate, 1935).
[84] Religion's Peace; or, A
Plea for Liberty of Conscience (1614), in Tracts on Liberty
of Conscience and Persecution, 1614-1661, ed. Edward
Bean Underhill (London: J. Haddon, 1846), 1-81.
[85] Objections Answered by
Way of Dialogue. ..(1615) and A Most Humble Supplication
of Many of the King 's Majesty 's Loyal Subjects ...(1620),
in ibid., 85-231.
[86] "A Declaration of Faith
of English People Remaining at Amsterdam in Holland," art.
24, in Lumpkin, Baptist Confessions of Faith, 122-23.
[87]
Schleitheim Articles, art.
6; Waterland Confession, art. 37, in ibid., 27-28,63-64.
[88]
"A Short Confession of
Faith" (1610), art. 35, in ibid., 111-12.
[89]
Second London Confession of
Particular Baptists, art. 24, sect. 2, in ibid., 284.
[90]
Dordrecht Confession, art.
14, in ibid., 75-76.
[91] "A Declaration of Faith
of English People Remaining at Amsterdam in Holland," art.
25, in ibid., 123.
[92] "A Short Confession of
Faith" (1610), art. 36; “Propositions and Conclusions concerning
True Christian Religion," art. 86, in ibid., 112,140.
[93] Schleitheim Articles, art.
7; Waterland Confession, art. 38; Dordrecht Confession, art. 15,
in ibid., 29-30, 64, 76.
[95]
Waterland Confession, art.
36; and Dordrecht Confession, art. 17, in ibid., 63, 77.
[96] The English Separatist Tradition:
From the Marian Martyrs to the Pilgrim Fathers, xii, xiii, 2.
[97] O. T. Hargrave, "The
Freewillers in the English Reformation," Church History
37 (September 1968): 271-80, who identified these as "Arminians
avant la lettre" (280).
[98] The Early English Dissenters
in the Light of Recent Research, 1550-1641, 2 vols.
(Cambridge: Cambridge University, 1912; rpt. ed.:
New York: Russell and Russell, 1967), 1:50- 53; 2:1-6.
[99]
The English Separatist
Tradition, 2-3.
[100] John Robinson and the
English Separatist Tradition, no.1, NABPR Dissertation Series
(Macon, GA: Mercer University, 1982), 16.
[101] W. M, S. West, "The
Anabaptists and the Rise of the Baptist Movement," in Christian
Baptism: A Fresh Attempt to Understand the Rite in Terms
of Scripture, History. and Theology, ed. Alec Gilmore (Philadelphia:
Judson, 1959), 255.
[102] George, John Robinson
and the English Separatist Tradition, 17-23. White, The
English Separatist Tradition, 6-14, has treated these as precursors
to the Separatists.
[103]
West, "The Anabaptists
and the Rise of the Baptist Movement," 258.
[104]
Burrage, The Early English
Dissenters, 1:79-86.
[105]
George, John Robinson and
the English Separatist Tradition, 27-31.
[106]
Estep, The Anabaptist Story,
278.
[107] Burrage, The Early English
Dissenters, 1:86-93; 2:9-18; White, The English Separatist
Tradition, 29-32; Estep, The Anabaptist Story, l79-80.
[108]
West, "The Anabaptists
and the Rise of the Baptist Movement," 258-59.
[109] McBeth, The Baptist
Heritage, 27-32, has labeled Robert Browne's congregation
"the pioneer church,” Francis Johnson's "the ancient
church, " John Robinson's "the pilgrim church,"
and Henry Jacob's "the JLJ church."
[110] For the text, see The
Writings of Robert Harrison and Robert Browne, ed. Albert
Peel and Leland H. Carlson, vol. 2, Elizabethan Nonconformist
Texts (London: George Allen and Unwin, 1953),31-69.
[111]
For the text, see ibid., 151-70.
White, The English Separatist Tradition, 58-62.
[112] For the text, see The
Writings of Henry Barrow, 1587-1590, vol. 3, Elizabethan Nonconformist
Texts (London: George Allen and Unwin, 1962), 54-66.
[113] For the text, see The
Writings of John Greenwood; 1587-1590, together with the Joint
Writings of Henry Barrow and John Greenwood; 1587-1590,
vol. 4, Elizabethan Nonconformist Texts (London: George Allen
and Unwin, 1962), 98-102.
[114]
For the text, see The Writings
of Henry Barrow, 2:4-23.
[115]
For the text, see ibid., 263-673.
[116]
Photocopy from Cambridge University
Library.
[117] Photocopy from Bodleian
Library, Oxford.
[118]
Lumpkin, Baptist Confessions
of Faith, 79-81.
[119]
For the text, see ibid., 82-97.
[120]
Art. 5, in ibid., 158.
[121]
Art. 5, in ibid., 83.
[122] Second London, art. 6,
esp. sects. 2, 3, in ibid., 258-59; Westminster, art. 6, esp.
sects.2, 3, in Philip Schaff, The Creeds of Christendom,
3 vols., 4th ed. (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1919), 3:615-16.
[123]
Art. 7, in Lumpkin, Baptist
Confessions of Faith, 84.
[124] Second London, art. 1,
sect. 1, in ibid., 248; Westminster, art. 1, in Schaff, The
Creeds of Christendom, 3:600-606.
[125] Waterland Confession, arts.
11, 12, 14, in Lumpkin, Baptist Confessions of Faith, 50-51.
[126]
A True Confession,
arts. 10, 12-18, in ibid., 85-88.
[127]
Ibid., arts. 14, 17, in ibid.,
85-86,87.
[128] Ibid., arts. 22-25, 38,
in ibid., 89-90, 94.
[129] "A Declaration of
English People Remaining at Amsterdam in Holland," arts.
11-12, in Lumpkin, Baptist Confessions of Faith, 120.
[130]
Art. 36, in ibid., 166.
[131]
Art. 26, sects. 7-9, in ibid.,
286-87.
[132]
Art. 3, in ibid., 82-83.
[133]
Arts. 5-6, in ibid., 158.
[134]
Art. 3, sect. 3, in ibid.,
254.
[135] Second London, art. 3,
sects. 3, 6-7, in ibid., 254-55; Westminster, art. 3, sects. 3,
7, in Schaff, The Creeds of Christendom, 3:608-10.
[136] Arts. 9-10, in Lumpkin,
Baptist Confessions of Faith, 302-4.
[137]
Art. 14, in ibid., 85-86.
[138]
Art. 17, in ibid., 160-61.
[139]
Art. 8, sect. 5, in ibid.,
262.
[140]
Art. 39, in ibid., 94-95.
[141]
Arts. 49, 52, in ibid., 169,
170.
[142] Art. 24, in ibid., 283-84;
Westminster, art. 23, in Schaff, The Creeds of Christendom,
3:652-55.
[143]
Art. 35, in Lumpkin, Baptist
Confessions of Faith, 93.
[144] "Short Confessions
of Faith in 20 Articles by John Smyth," art. 14; A Short
Confession of Faith (1610), art. 29; "A Declaration of Faith
of English People Remaining at Amsterdam in Holland," art.
14; “Propositions and Conclusions concerning True Christian Religion,"
art. 70; First London Confession, art. 39; Midland Association
Confession, art. 13; Standard Confession of General Baptists,
art. 11; Second London Confession, art. 29, sect. 2; and Orthodox
Creed of General Baptists, art. 28, in ibid., 101, 109-10, 120,
137, 167, 199, 228-29, 291, 317-18.
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